In recent years,
the judicial community has been buzzing about a concept called
"therapeutic jurisprudence," and most of the talk has been
positive. The community at large likely knows little about
this concept except for it's most popular and most talked
about manifestation: drug courts. Public opinion toward drug
courts and their purported benefits has been very positive,
but there's a lot more to therapeutic jurisprudence than meets
the initial glance.
To begin with, "drug courts" aren't really
courts—they're administratively created sentencing procedures,
not legislatively authorized courts of law. The legislature
has created therapeutic courts in the juvenile court system,
but the confusion surrounding "drug courts," "mental health
courts," and other therapeutic court proposals is symptomatic
of major problems in this therapeutic model.
Therapeutic jurisprudence has been
trumpeted as a solution to social problems because its
approaches are successful in their goals, they encourage
collaboration between the judge and the therapeutic team, and
they increase patient accountability, not to mention that drug
courts, for one, have been a tremendous public relations
success. Yet this examination ignores the significant costs of
the therapeutic justice model to our American judicial
traditions. Having judges collaborate with the representatives
of the state, for example, undermines judicial impartiality,
due process, and the balance of powers between branches of
government.
In fact, upon examination therapeutic
jurisprudence has more in common with the model of law
practiced in the communist Soviet Union than with traditional
American legal practices. The Soviet system lacked a
separation of powers and a system of checks and balances, it
completely undermined judicial impartiality, it packed its
legal code with policy pronouncements, and it was more
concerned with producing a particular outcome than ensuring an
impartial process. While therapeutic jurisprudence advocates
are certainly not communists, it is worth noting that
embracing their model could easily lead the American justice
system down the former Soviet Union's self-destructive path.
Is there a place, then, for therapeutic
courts? The juvenile court system has functioned for decades
under this model with some arguable success, but they have
learned through many hard lessons and several landmark cases
that the model must be employed in deference to due process,
the separation of powers, and judicial impartiality. At the
very least, if our courts are going to adopt this model, they
must do so only with the consent of the people acting through
their elected representatives.
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